
David Trone and April McClain Delaney — neither of whom lives in the district — have turned Maryland’s 6th into a nationalized mud war about Trump. Meanwhile, ten other candidates are running on the actual problems facing Western Maryland. Nobody’s asking them about it.
By Michael Phillips | MDBayNews | Election 2026 · Maryland’s 6th Congressional District
Maryland’s 6th Congressional District has become a national story, but only for two people. David Trone has pumped more than $15 million of his own fortune into a race to reclaim the seat he abandoned to lose a Senate primary. April McClain Delaney, the incumbent he’s trying to dislodge, has answered with millions of her own and the endorsements of virtually every Democratic officeholder in the state. Their primary has devolved into a mutual opposition research operation, each campaign spending more energy tearing down the other than making any affirmative case for themselves.

Residency note: Neither David Trone (Potomac) nor April McClain Delaney (Potomac) lives within the district boundaries shown above. Members of Congress are required to live in the state they represent but are not required to live within their district. Potomac falls in the southern portion of Montgomery County, outside the MD-6 boundary, which ends roughly after Gaithersburg. Trone’s current residence is unclear following reported changes in his domestic situation.
There is something foundational that the coverage keeps not saying: neither of them lives in the 6th District. McClain Delaney’s listed address is Potomac — in Montgomery County, but outside the district boundaries. Trone’s address has been Potomac as well, but as MDBayNews has reported separately, his domestic situation has changed significantly, and at this point, it’s genuinely unclear where he’s living. The billionaire fighting to represent Western Maryland doesn’t appear to have a stable address anywhere near Western Maryland.
The 6th District stretches from the suburban edges of Montgomery County through Frederick, then west across Washington, Allegany, and Garrett counties, all the way to the West Virginia and Pennsylvania borders. It includes Hagerstown, Cumberland, and some of the most economically distressed rural communities in Maryland. The opioid crisis that Trone built his congressional brand around has not resolved. The USDA is moving to close the Beltsville Agricultural Research Center, threatening the agricultural research infrastructure that Western Maryland farmers depend on. Data center development is reshaping energy costs and land use across Frederick County with minimal local input. Broadband gaps persist across the western counties. Fort Detrick’s economic footprint hangs over Frederick’s future. Coal country transition in the panhandle remains unaddressed.

Both funded candidates are running a nationalized anti-Trump campaign — or in Trone’s case, a “I’m the tougher fighter against Trump” campaign — in a D+3 seat where the actual voters in Allegany, Garrett, and Washington counties have specific, local, material needs that have nothing to do with which Potomac millionaire is more resistant to the president. McClain Delaney won this seat in 2024 by about seven points — competitive, not comfortable — in a district that has real Republican crossover potential.
Meanwhile, ten other candidates are running. Their combined fundraising wouldn’t cover one of Trone’s Canal Media wire transfers. Most have no paid staff, no TV presence, and no polling. Several have no FEC receipts at all. They’re running anyway. And some of them are making arguments worth hearing — especially about the parts of this district that both frontrunners seem to have forgotten exist.
The Money Gap: MD-6 Campaign Finance
FEC data through Q1 2026 (March 31). David Trone has spent more on a single ad buy than most of this field has raised in total.
$11,041,368 — Trone’s total FEC receipts through Q1, virtually all self-funded. His largest single outside contribution: $3,500. His largest single self-transfer: $5,000,000 in one wire on March 10, 2026.


Here’s the field nobody’s covering.
Republican Primary
Chris Burnett
22-Year Marine Corps Veteran & Attorney · Gaithersburg · burnettforcongress.com
Burnett is the most credible Republican in this race and the one the national press has taken most seriously, earning a profile in the Washington Examiner in January 2026. His argument for the nomination is built on contrast: the district has sent the same faces to the same losses. He is running as the fresh alternative — a tested leader who hasn’t already been defined in voters’ minds by a losing campaign.
His biography is built for this district. He spent 22 years as a Marine Corps JAG officer — five deployments to the Middle East, legal and national security advisory roles at the Pentagon, U.S. Southern Command, and Marine Forces Cyberspace Command, and three master’s degrees along the way. He lives in Gaithersburg with his wife, Kadiatou, a naturalized citizen who came from Guinea as a political asylee, and their four children. They opened a small business in Montgomery County and dealt firsthand with the regulatory and tax burden he now campaigns against. His kids are in public schools in the district.
On the issues that actually define the 6th District’s specific tensions, Burnett has done the work. On data centers — the single most contested development issue in Frederick County — he’s proposed requiring new facilities to source their own energy through small modular reactors, a technically specific and defensible position that addresses both the energy cost question and the “Big Tech giveaway” critique simultaneously. It’s the kind of policy precision that distinguishes a serious candidate from a platform-filler.
“A series of millionaires playing national politics at the expense of the residents”
— Burnett’s summary of what the 6th District has gotten from its recent representation, in an interview with the Washington Examiner.
His immigration position is more nuanced than the standard Republican primary posture — he supports border security while advocating for comprehensive reform, a position made credible by his wife’s own immigration story. He’s not running a Trump-maximalist campaign; he’s running a competence-and-contrast campaign against candidates he views as either too defined by prior losses or too disconnected from the district’s daily reality.
The structural challenge is translating national attention into Western Maryland infrastructure. Burnett is getting coverage that no other Republican in this race is receiving, but Allegany, Garrett, and Washington counties require ground-level retail politics that earned media alone doesn’t deliver. He’s been on the road a lot campaigning, but whether he’s built that operation up enough is the outstanding question before June 23.
Mariela Roca
USAF Veteran, DBA · Frederick · rocaforcongress.com
Roca is on her third run. She originally filed for the 8th District in 2022 before redistricting moved her to the 6th, then ran in the 2024 Republican primary. She is back.
Her academic credentials are some of the most extensive in the Republican field: a doctorate in business administration from the University of Maryland Global Campus, a second master’s from Mount Saint Mary’s, and years of federal service at Fort Detrick in Frederick. She lives in Frederick — the district’s most populous county — which gives her genuine geographic rootedness that neither Trone nor McClain Delaney can claim. Her Air Force service from 2005 to 2010 gives her the veterans credibility she’s made central to her platform, particularly on VA healthcare reform, which she says she witnessed from the inside at Fort Detrick.
“Our VA healthcare system has so many unaddressed systemic issues and fails to provide adequate and timely care to our veterans. As a veteran myself, I get my care 100% through the VA and understand firsthand these issues.” (Bethesda Magazine voter guide)
She landed a Newt Gingrich endorsement in the 2024 cycle — evidence of some capacity to reach national Republican networks. Her platform focuses on border security, parental rights in education, energy independence, specifically tied to Western Maryland’s untapped natural resources, and veterans’ healthcare. In a district that includes some of Maryland’s most rural and resource-rich terrain, the energy angle is a legitimate district-specific argument rather than just a national talking point.
The challenge is differentiation. She lost the 2024 primary and is running again in a field that now includes Burnett, who is competing for the same “credentialed veteran, new face” lane with more national press attention behind him. What Republican validators are backing her in this cycle hasn’t surfaced publicly, and without that, the path to separating from Burnett is narrow. Three runs is a commitment; it’s also a data point primary voters will weigh.
Robin Ficker
Former State Delegate, Real Estate Broker, Army Veteran · Boyds · voteficker.com
Robin Ficker is 83 years old, a former Maryland delegate, a disbarred attorney, a property tax crusader, a ballot initiative champion, and the man who was so effectively obnoxious to opposing NBA players at Washington Bullets games that the league invented a rule specifically to stop him. It is called the Ficker Rule.
He has been running for something in Maryland since 1974. He has placed 25 ballot initiatives that have received more than 2.5 million votes, including measures limiting property tax increases and imposing term limits on county officials — tangible, structural fiscal reforms that no other perennial candidate in Maryland history can match. He won a Republican State Senate primary in 2014. He ran for governor in 2022 and took nearly 30% of the Republican primary vote against Larry Hogan — a genuinely impressive protest vote share for someone with zero institutional backing and a campaign operating on spite and shoe leather. He ran for U.S. Senate in 2024 before withdrawing.
“I was never just heckling. I was fighting for the home team.”
His candidacy is a platform for a brand of fiscal libertarianism and small-government populism that he has been executing in Maryland politics for half a century, and it has outlasted most of the politicians who dismissed him. His website message — “Restore Logic to Government” — is exactly what it sounds like.
For Republican primary voters who want a protest vote against both Burnett’s establishment-adjacent profile and Roca’s multi-cycle resume, Ficker has always been the option. In a three-way primary, any Ficker votes are votes that don’t go to Burnett — which structurally benefits whichever of the other two consolidates Western Maryland Republicans first.
Democratic Primary
Alexis Goldstein
Former CFPB Program Manager · alexisformd.com
Of all the candidates in this piece, Goldstein has the most compelling origin story for this specific political moment — and she landed it on Democracy Now and in American Banker within 24 hours of filing.
In early 2025, DOGE operatives arrived at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau headquarters. Goldstein, rolling an empty stroller through the basement after dropping her toddler at daycare, noticed unfamiliar people accessing CFPB equipment without the required badges. She challenged them. The Trump administration placed her on administrative leave that day. In December 2025, management moved to fire her for “taking a vigilante approach” and putting the bureau “off on the wrong foot with the new administration.” The termination came through on February 11, 2026 — one week before her contract would have expired anyway. Seven days later, she filed for Congress.
Her background is substantive: Columbia computer science degree, seven years as a Wall Street programmer and analyst before quitting in 2010 to join Occupy Wall Street, then a decade in financial regulatory policy at Americans for Financial Reform and the Open Markets Institute. She has been published in the New York Times, appeared on The Daily Show and PBS Frontline, and was featured in the Netflix GameStop documentary. She is not a dilettante.
“I’m not doing this as a vanity project. I’m doing this because I want to fight against fascism in America.” — Goldstein, Democracy Now, February 18, 2026.
Her platform is unapologetically left. She frames the race around the Hagerstown ICE detention center (“libraries, not ICE jails”), the data center development boom (“schools, not data centers”), and the billionaire dynamic in her own primary with the directness of someone who has nothing to lose. The CFPB firing gives her a lived story about standing up to power that neither Trone nor McClain Delaney can come anywhere near.
The gap is geographic. The district’s center of gravity is Frederick County, not the Maryland suburbs of DC, where Goldstein’s earned media plays best. Whether a candidate who launched her campaign on Democracy Now can translate progressive national media into votes in Hagerstown and Cumberland is the question she hasn’t yet answered — and with mail-in ballots already circulating, time to answer it has essentially expired.
Ethan Wechtaluk
Federal IT Consultant, Virginia Tech Survivor · Clarksburg · ethanformd.com
Wechtaluk was among the earliest filers in this field, not named Trone or McClain Delaney, filing from a Clarksburg PO box in October 2025. He is the only lower-tier Democrat to have reported any meaningful FEC activity — approximately $10,446 raised, which is modest but represents real donor engagement rather than a filing-fee commitment.
“While too many Democrats play it safe, our communities are in crisis. We don’t need future promises, we need policies that address the real problems facing Marylanders right now.” (ethanformd.com)
He is a Virginia Tech shooting survivor, a federal government IT business analyst, a husband, and a father of three daughters. He lives in Clarksburg — inside the district — which already distinguishes him from both of his well-funded primary opponents. His Ballotpedia candidate survey is detailed and earnest: he argues for fiscal discipline through cutting wasteful spending, advocates for term limits to break the perpetual campaign cycle, and makes the structural case that two-year House terms produce dysfunction by forcing members into nonstop fundraising rather than governing. That last point is interesting — it’s a systemic reform argument that cuts against both parties’ institutional interests and signals genuine thought about governance rather than ideology.
His specific district hook is underutilized. A federal worker from Clarksburg who has worked inside the agencies being dismantled by DOGE, residing in the district where thousands of federal workers live and commute — that’s the Goldstein narrative with more geographic credibility and less national media profile. He was at the Hagerstown No Kings rally where Trone arrived flanked by six police officers. He was the candidate heckling Trone as “Data Center Dave.” He’s doing the ground work. The question is whether $6,600 and a PO box translates into primary votes six weeks out.
A. Mark Wilks
Owner, Carmen’s Corner Store · Hagerstown & Frederick · wilksworks.org
Wilks may be the most uniquely qualified candidate in this entire field to represent the actual geography of the 6th District — and almost nobody in this cycle has written about him.
He is a New York native who moved to Hagerstown in the 1980s. He served 13 years in federal prison on a drug trafficking conviction. After his release in 2019, he opened Carmen’s Corner Store in Hagerstown — a neighborhood grocery named after his mother — then a second location in downtown Frederick in 2021. He has no FEC receipts and no campaign infrastructure that suggests a traditional operation.
But the record beneath the surface is remarkable. Wilks sued the Small Business Administration over its COVID-era rule barring formerly incarcerated people from accessing Paycheck Protection Program funds — and won, with the SBA ultimately changing the rule in a decision that affected an estimated 80 million people and their businesses nationwide. He then turned around and sued the USDA over its policy barring justice-impacted business owners from accepting SNAP/EBT payments — that case directly catalyzed the bipartisan SNAP Second Chance Act introduced in Congress. He beat the federal government twice, in two different agencies, using his corner store in Hagerstown as the legal vehicle.
“If you want to fix up the House of Representatives, don’t send a lawyer or a politician to do the job. Send a Working Man, with a plan.” — Wilks campaign website.
The irony isn’t subtle: David Trone, now running millions of dollars in ads about his compassion for Western Maryland working families, personally visited Carmen’s Corner Store in Hagerstown in 2020, publicly celebrated Wilks’ SBA victory, and co-sponsored legislation inspired by his lawsuit. Trone used Wilks as a prop for his compassion brand. Wilks is now running against him.
In a district that voted for Trump in 2024, a working-class Black business owner from Hagerstown who beat the federal government twice in court while running a corner store is a different kind of Democrat than either Potomac millionaire currently dominating the coverage. The structural problem is that without money, staff, or media presence, none of that biographical material reaches the voters who would respond to it most.
Kiambo “Bo” White
Labor Organizer · Frederick County · BoWhiteforCongress.com
White ran in the 2024 Democratic primary and is back for a second run. He is a union representative based in Frederick County — which puts him geographically inside the district’s population center — and describes himself explicitly as a moderate Democrat, a distinction that actually matters in a D+3 seat where the general election is always competitive.
“We can not only talk but we must listen as well.” (Bethesda Magazine, 2024)
His family has served in the military since the Korean War. In a 2024 candidate forum, when asked which committees he’d seek, he said Education and Labor immediately, then added Veterans Affairs — a combination that speaks to both the district’s working-class base and its significant military and veteran population. He doesn’t run on national ideological warfare. His platform addresses climate, drug policy, food insecurity, gun violence, healthcare, housing, and wages as a connected set of local concerns rather than a national manifesto.
What White has that several others don’t is repetition. This is his second run, which means some degree of name recognition in Frederick County from 2024. In a fragmented eight-way Democratic primary, that marginal recognition advantage can matter at the edges. The challenge is that “moderate Democrat, union rep, second-time candidate” doesn’t generate the kind of earned media that breaks through when two mega-millionaires are consuming all available oxygen.
George Gluck
IT Consultant, Progressive Activist · Rockville · georgegluck.com
George Gluck is a perennial. He has been running for this seat — under various party labels — since at least 2012. His record is a study in commitment to the process: Green Party candidate for the 8th District in 2012, Green in the 6th District general in 2014 and 2016, then switched to the Democratic primary in 2022, where Trone beat him and Ben Smilowitz, then again in 2024. This is his fifth or sixth run, depending on how you count.
“Make America Good Again, This Time for All of Us.” (2018 campaign slogan, consistent across cycles)
He is a mathematician and software engineer — a master’s from Johns Hopkins, decades of federal contracting work, a background as a substitute teacher and synagogue social action chair in Rockville. He lives in Montgomery County, outside the district — he has noted in prior cycles that redistricting moved his neighborhood out of the 6th’s boundaries. His 2018 general election campaign slogan was “Make America Good Again, This Time for All of Us.” His platform is broadly progressive: universal healthcare, removing money from politics, working-class economic focus.
The honest assessment: Gluck is a civic participant who provides an outlet for protest votes and articulates a left-progressive position in forums where he consistently shows up. He has never cracked meaningful vote shares and has no recorded fundraising in this cycle. His value to the race is more democratic than competitive.
Daniel M. Krakower
Business Attorney · DanforMaryland.com
Krakower is the most opaque candidate in the Democratic field. He filed in September 2025 — among the earliest of the lower-tier Democrats — but has no FEC finances, has not completed the Ballotpedia candidate survey, and has generated almost no press coverage in any publication tracked by this newsroom.
What public record exists shows a senior business attorney at Shulman Rogers in Potomac with more than 30 years of experience in corporate law, entity formation, mergers and acquisitions, and partnership dispute resolution. His law firm biography describes him as having “a particular talent for resolving partnership and shareholder disputes” — which, in the context of a Democratic primary defined by two wealthy partners who have turned their shared political relationship into a very expensive divorce, reads as either ironic or pitch-perfect depending on your sense of humor.
The professional background is legitimately relevant if someone wanted to make the argument that MD-6 needs a business-minded, institutionally experienced lawyer who understands corporate power structures rather than a billionaire or an ideological activist. There is no evidence that he is making that argument to anyone outside his own network. His existence in this race is, at present, essentially a filing-fee-level commitment.
Independent / General Election
Moshe Y. Landman
Attorney · Green Party · moshelandman.com
Landman is the only candidate in this entire race who is already guaranteed to appear on the November general election ballot regardless of what happens on June 23. He filed independently and is not dependent on winning any primary. That structural fact alone makes him worth understanding.
He grew up in Wheaton, Maryland — the son of Rabbi Reuben Landman, who led a Silver Spring congregation and delivered the invocation at Barack Obama’s inauguration. He attended the Hebrew Academy of Greater Washington, studied in Israel, earned his BA with honors from Yeshiva University, his MBA from George Mason, and his JD from Georgetown Law. He is the founder of Landman Law, Maryland Metal (a precious metals dealer), and Maryland Medicinals (a holistic wellness company). He ran for the District 39 Maryland State Senate seat in 2022 against Democratic Majority Leader Nancy King, then for this congressional seat in 2024, where a Green Party internal primary ended in an exact tie, blocking his path to the general ballot.
His platform is the most detailed and internally consistent of anyone in this race outside the two funded Democrats. On the Chesapeake Bay specifically — the defining environmental issue for Maryland and a direct concern of the agricultural communities in this district — he has written extensively and specifically: chicken manure runoff from Eastern Shore poultry operations, riparian reforestation targets, oyster farming at scale, the Conowingo Dam sediment problem, and the case for Maryland desalination infrastructure. This is not talking-points environmentalism. It is the work of someone who has read the reports.
“My campaign is driven by a passion to solve personal and communal injustices, ensuring a better quality of life for all residents.” (Ballotpedia candidate survey, 2026)
His fiscal program is heterodox in a way that defies easy partisan labeling: let the Trump personal income tax cuts expire, implement a graduated corporate tax rate rather than a flat cut, close the carried interest loophole, and implement a wealth tax only on liquid assets above $25 million. He pairs that with significant military spending reductions and universal healthcare. The combination is left on economics, institutionally serious on the budget, and difficult to caricature.
His relevance in November is real and should not be dismissed. In a D+3 district where the Democratic primary is going to leave significant bruising between the Trone and McClain Delaney camps — whichever one wins will have spent months being defined negatively by the other — a well-credentialed, policy-serious, multi-cycle candidate with a Georgetown Law degree and a detailed platform is a meaningful vote-splitter. The question is not whether Landman wins in November. He won’t. The question is whether he pulls 3–5% from a Democratic nominee still nursing primary wounds in a general election that could be decided by margins that size. In a close race, that math matters enormously.
The Context Nobody’s Saying Out Loud
With mail-in ballots already hitting mailboxes this week and early voting beginning June 11, most of these candidates have functionally missed the window to break through financially. The arithmetic is brutal: David Trone spent more on a single Canal Media wire transfer in March than all six lower-tier Democrats combined have raised this entire cycle.
But the structural case for why this field matters is sound regardless of who wins on June 23. This is a D+3 district. It is, as Maryland Matters and the Washington Post have both noted, the least Democrat-friendly seat in the state. McClain Delaney won it in 2024 by roughly seven points — competitive, not comfortable, in a year when Democrats had the wind at their backs nationally. Every percentage point of Democratic primary damage translates into general election vulnerability in November.
What the Trone-McClain Delaney war has produced is a primary campaign in which two wealthy Potomac residents — neither of whom lives in the district, one of whom may not have a stable address anywhere — have spent millions nationalizing a local race around Trump resistance, while candidates who actually live in Hagerstown, Clarksburg, and Frederick have been running on the opioid crisis, data center energy costs, federal worker displacement, agricultural research funding, and criminal justice reform.
The district deserves coverage of all of them. This is that coverage.

Complete MD-6 Candidate Grid
All candidates · Primary June 23, 2026 · General November 3, 2026



| Key dates: Mail-in ballots circulating now. Early voting begins June 11. Primary: June 23, 2026. General election: November 3, 2026. As an Independent, Landman is already a confirmed general election candidate. All other candidates must win their respective primaries to advance. Residency note: Members of Congress are required to live in Maryland but not within their district. Of the eleven candidates above, the two best-funded Democrats (Trone and McClain Delaney) are the only ones who do not live in MD-6. Four lower-tier Democrats and all three Republicans are confirmed to live within the district. |
Sources: Candidate campaign websites; Federal Election Commission filings; Ballotpedia candidate profiles and survey responses; Maryland State Board of Elections candidate filing records; Washington Examiner (Burnett profile, January 2026); Democracy Now (Goldstein interview, February 18, 2026); American Banker (Goldstein candidacy, February 18, 2026); Maryland Matters (candidate forum coverage, April 2024); Frederick News-Post (Roca profile, April 2026; Wilks profile, January 2024); Bethesda Magazine (Roca and White candidate profiles); Politics1 Maryland 2026 candidate directory; Wikipedia, 2026 United States House elections in Maryland. Financial figures for Trone drawn from MDBayNews prior reporting on FEC efile records through Q1 2026.
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