
By Michael Phillips | MDBayNews
The Maryland House of Delegates voted 102 to 14 this week to advance a resolution expelling Del. Christopher Eric Bouchat for absence. The resolution, filed by Del. Lauren Arikan (R-Harford), accuses Bouchat of “willful and wanton absence” from his duties — specifically his committee work since February 24.
It is a serious charge. It deserves a serious question.
If absence is grounds for expulsion, why is Bouchat the only one facing it?
MDBayNews reviewed three years of voting records from the Maryland General Assembly — the 2024, 2025, and 2026 sessions — covering every House member. What we found tells a story that nobody pushing for Bouchat’s expulsion wants told: he was one of the most present members of the entire chamber before his protest began, dozens of his colleagues have missed far more votes over the same period without consequence, and the standard being applied to him is being applied to no one else.
Who Bouchat Was Before the Protest
Before examining who else is absent, it is worth establishing who Bouchat was before his protest began.
In 2024, Christopher Bouchat missed 9 out of 1,514 recorded votes. A 0.6% absence rate. He was one of the most present members of the entire Maryland House of Delegates. He was not a chronic absentee. He showed up — session after session, vote after vote — while watching every reform bill he introduced die without support from either party, losing an estimated half million dollars in business income in the process.
That year, while Bouchat was casting nearly every vote, the following members were missing significant portions of their own — without a single resignation demand, ethics referral, or expulsion resolution:
| Delegate | Party | District | Absent/Not Voting | Total Votes | % Inactive |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jamila Woods | Democratic | 26 | 451 | 1,514 | 29.8% |
| Ric Metzgar | Republican | 6 | 437 | 1,514 | 28.9% |
| Sheree Sample-Hughes | Democratic | 37A | 346 | 1,514 | 22.9% |
| Seth Howard | Republican | 30B | 310 | 1,514 | 20.5% |
| Jeff Ghrist | Republican | 36 | 304 | 1,514 | 20.1% |
| Brian Crosby | Democratic | 29B | 304 | 1,514 | 20.1% |
| Lily Qi | Democratic | 15 | 229 | 1,514 | 15.1% |
| Pam Queen | Democratic | 14 | 197 | 1,514 | 13.0% |
| Aletheia McCaskill | Democratic | 44B | 196 | 1,514 | 12.9% |
| April Rose | Republican | 5 | 141 | 1,514 | 9.3% |
That last entry is worth pausing on. Del. April Rose (R-District 5) — one of the three District 5 colleagues who called for Bouchat’s resignation this session — missed 9.3% of her votes in 2024. Bouchat missed 0.6%. She faced no consequences. She called for his resignation anyway.
Bouchat’s protest began in late February 2026 — after four years of showing up, casting nearly every vote, and watching the system he was trying to change ignore everything he proposed. His absence is not a pattern of laziness. It is the conclusion of a man who tried the conventional way for four years and watched it accomplish nothing.
The 2026 Numbers
In the current 2026 session, Bouchat ranks second in combined absences and non-participation — behind a Democrat who has not cast a single vote all session.
Del. Adrienne Jones (D-District 10) — the former House Speaker who resigned her speakership in December 2025 and withdrew from her reelection race in February 2026 after 30 years of service — is absent or not voting on 100% of recorded votes in 2026. Eight hundred votes. Not one cast. Reports indicate she has been dealing with private matters. No expulsion resolution has been filed. No resignation demands from colleagues. No ethics referrals.
Jones’s situation is sympathetic and her circumstances are different from Bouchat’s. But that is precisely the point. The system has no problem leaving District 10 functionally unrepresented for an entire session while a longtime member deals with private matters. No one filed an expulsion resolution. No one argued that the people of District 10 deserved better. The same Arikan who says District 5 deserves full representation has said nothing publicly about District 10.
Absence, it turns out, is only unacceptable when the absent member has been making noise about the right things.
Del. Brian Crosby (D-District 29B) — whom Bouchat himself cited months ago as a fellow small business owner whose absences drew no scrutiny — is absent or not voting on 83.9% of votes. No expulsion resolution.
Here are the top absentees in the 2026 session:
| Delegate | Party | District | Absent/Not Voting | Total Votes | % Inactive |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Adrienne Jones | Democratic | 10 | 800 | 800 | 100.0% |
| Christopher Bouchat | Republican | 5 | 692 | 800 | 86.5% |
| Brian Crosby | Democratic | 29B | 671 | 800 | 83.9% |
| C.T. Wilson | Democratic | 28 | 421 | 800 | 52.6% |
| Nicole Williams | Democratic | 22 | 322 | 800 | 40.2% |
| Adrian Boafo | Democratic | 23 | 289 | 800 | 36.1% |
| Jeff Long | Democratic | 27B | 217 | 800 | 27.1% |
| Anne Healey | Democratic | 22 | 209 | 800 | 26.1% |
| Caylin Young | Democratic | 45 | 209 | 800 | 26.1% |
| Steve Johnson | Democratic | 34A | 190 | 800 | 23.8% |
| Jeff Ghrist | Republican | 36 | 184 | 800 | 23.0% |
| Jessica Feldmark | Democratic | 12A | 173 | 800 | 21.6% |
| Mark Edelson | Democratic | 46 | 165 | 800 | 20.6% |
| Ryan Nawrocki | Republican | 7A | 153 | 800 | 19.1% |
Bouchat is second on this list. The member ahead of him has not voted once. Neither faces the scrutiny Bouchat does — because neither made powerful people uncomfortable.
The 2025 Numbers
The pattern is consistent in 2025. Del. Jeff Long (D-District 27B) missed or did not vote on 47.7% of all recorded votes — 618 out of 1,296. No expulsion resolution was filed. No colleagues called for his resignation.
Top absentees in 2025:
| Delegate | Party | District | Absent/Not Voting | Total Votes | % Inactive |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jeff Long | Democratic | 27B | 618 | 1,296 | 47.7% |
| Josh Stonko | Republican | 42C | 217 | 1,296 | 16.7% |
| Frank Conaway | Democratic | 40 | 199 | 1,296 | 15.4% |
| April Rose | Republican | 5 | 188 | 1,296 | 14.5% |
| Mike Griffith | Republican | 35A | 186 | 1,296 | 14.4% |
| Debra Davis | Democratic | 28 | 178 | 1,296 | 13.7% |
| Bob Long | Republican | 6 | 150 | 1,296 | 11.6% |
| Teresa Reilly | Republican | 35A | 144 | 1,296 | 11.1% |
| Robin Grammer | Republican | 6 | 131 | 1,296 | 10.1% |
| Diana Fennell | Democratic | 47A | 123 | 1,296 | 9.5% |
Worth noting: Del. April Rose (R-District 5) — one of the three District 5 colleagues who called for Bouchat’s resignation — missed or did not vote on 14.5% of votes in 2025. In 2024, she missed 9.3%. Bouchat missed 0.6% that same year. She faced no consequences. She called for his resignation anyway.
Also worth noting: Del. Jason Buckel (R-District 1B) — the House Minority Leader who said policing members “is between that member and their voters” — missed or did not vote on 8.1% of votes in 2025. Nobody filed an expulsion resolution against him either.
The Standard That Only Applies to One Person
Arikan’s resolution invokes a standard of attendance and participation. It is a reasonable standard in the abstract. Applied uniformly, it would sweep up a significant portion of the Maryland House of Delegates — including members of both parties, including members who voted to advance Bouchat’s expulsion.
But it is not being applied uniformly. It is being applied to one man — the one who left a bust of Aristotle at his desk, proposed constitutional reform bills that neither party would support, and spent four years as one of the most present members in the chamber before concluding that presence alone changes nothing.
Adrienne Jones has not cast a single vote in 2026 — and her circumstances, dealing with private matters after 30 years of public service, deserve compassion and discretion. She is getting both. Brian Crosby has missed 83.9% of votes. Jeff Long missed nearly half his votes in 2025. Jamila Woods missed 29.8% of votes in 2024. None of them face expulsion.
Christopher Bouchat missed votes and said out loud why.
That, apparently, is the unforgivable offense.
A Note on Methodology
Voting data sourced from Maryland General Assembly public records via OpenStates, covering the 2024, 2025, and 2026 sessions. “Inactive” votes include both recorded absences and “not voting” designations. Some absences may reflect legitimate reasons — illness, personal emergencies, or other official duties — for which no public record exists. This analysis reflects the voting record only and does not assign motive to any member’s absence.
The same caveat applies to Bouchat. His absences have a publicly stated, philosophically articulated reason. His colleagues do not — because they were never asked to explain them.
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