By MDBayNews Staff
Maryland’s state legislative districts are often lumped into the same category as the state’s infamous congressional maps — aggressive, partisan, and engineered to squeeze out competition. The reality is more nuanced.
The current maps for Maryland’s 47-seat Senate and 141-member House of Delegates are moderately gerrymandered in favor of Democrats, but they stop short of the most extreme abuses seen nationally or even in Maryland’s own recent congressional history. Still, they are deeply problematic from an accountability and competition standpoint — and that matters more than defenders of the status quo care to admit.
A Legislature Drawn by the Legislature
Following the 2020 census, Maryland’s Democratic-controlled General Assembly enacted new legislative maps in early 2022, overriding objections and a veto from then-Gov. Larry Hogan. As expected in a one-party-dominated state, incumbents largely drew lines that protect incumbents.
The structure itself favors entrenchment. Senate districts are single-member, while most House districts are multi-member, allowing dominant parties to sweep entire districts rather than compete seat by seat. In a state where Democrats already enjoy a strong baseline advantage — Joe Biden won Maryland by roughly 33 points in 2020 — the maps amplify that dominance by minimizing risk.
The Results: Supermajorities With Little Suspense
The first real test came in 2022:
- Senate: Democrats won 34 of 47 seats (72%) with about 60.5% of the statewide vote
- House: Democrats won 102 of 141 seats (72%) with roughly 67.4% of the vote
That translates to Democrats outperforming their vote share by 5–12 percentage points in seats, depending on the chamber. While not wildly disproportionate in a deep-blue state, the outcome reflects deliberate insulation from electoral swings — not merely voter preference.
Republicans, meanwhile, are heavily concentrated in Western Maryland, the Eastern Shore, and a few rural pockets. Their voters are either packed into safe GOP districts or cracked apart around dense Democratic suburbs, limiting their ability to compete even when statewide conditions improve.
What the Courts Said — and Didn’t Say
In In the Matter of 2022 Legislative Districting of the State, the Maryland Supreme Court upheld the maps. The court rejected claims of unconstitutional partisan gerrymandering, finding no “flagrant partisan abuse” that subordinated compactness, contiguity, or respect for political boundaries to raw politics.
That bar matters. Maryland’s constitution does not require neutral or competitive maps — only that politics not completely overwhelm traditional criteria. In contrast, the state’s congressional map was initially struck down by a lower court as an extreme partisan gerrymander before being redrawn.
In short: the legislative maps passed the legal test, not a good-government one.
Independent Analysts: Average Fairness, Abysmal Competition
Nonpartisan reviewers largely agree. The Princeton Gerrymandering Project graded Maryland’s House map around a “C” for partisan fairness — essentially average — but handed it an “F” for competitiveness.
That distinction is crucial. Maryland’s problem isn’t that Democrats win — it’s that voters rarely get a real choice. Safe seats dominate the map. Many districts are functionally decided in the primary, if at all, leaving general elections as formalities.
Other watchdogs, including reform groups like Common Cause, have criticized the process as partisan and opaque, even if the final product avoided the most grotesque district shapes of the past.
Not the Worst — But Still a Problem
Compared to Maryland’s old congressional “crab” districts or the most aggressive gerrymanders in states like Wisconsin or North Carolina, these legislative maps are restrained. Geography plays a real role: Democratic voters are heavily clustered in Baltimore, Montgomery County, and Prince George’s County, naturally reducing efficiency.
But moderation should not be confused with fairness.
The maps lock in Democratic supermajorities, reduce electoral pressure, and weaken legislative accountability. That has real consequences — from unchecked budget growth to the quiet dismissal of dissenting voices inside Annapolis.
The Bottom Line
Maryland’s legislative districts are designed to preserve power, not to invite competition. They are legally defensible and politically predictable — but deeply flawed from the perspective of voter choice and democratic responsiveness.
Democrats would almost certainly control the General Assembly under nearly any neutral map. What these lines ensure is that control remains overwhelming, durable, and insulated from meaningful challenge.
If Maryland leaders truly cared about democracy rather than dominance, reforms like independent redistricting commissions or competitiveness standards would already be on the table. For now, the message from Annapolis is clear: winning isn’t enough — staying unbeatable is the point.
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